Political discourse has become increasingly annoying and stupefied. Too many college liberals and leftists, in general, have spouted nothing but regurgitated talking points and have the gall to call others Fascists, Nazis, and entire nation-states imperialist, with having the most difficulty defining any of those terms.
Americans are experiencing the most prominent psychosis since 9/11. Moreover, most do not even understand how badly they are getting played. And some will probably never will. I once discussed this with a wise person who said, “if your first kneejerk response is to be emotional and apply moralism, you shouldn’t be a political commentator.” And nothing could be further from the truth.
And here I am giving an important lesson: defining actually-happening fascism.
What is Fascism?
To understand fascism is to appreciate its theoretical anti-reactionary ideal, but once practiced and instituted into material reality, it bolsters the principles of liberalism it pretends to oppose. It presupposes that the state is what creates a nation and not the nation producing the state. In its primary essence, Mussolini’s definition of fascism is the constant action of the state. Because he believes that “life is in continual flux and in [the] process of evolution.”
(Note: Fascism’s theoretical composition is different from its temporal development.)
Fascism opposes all individualistic senses or tenacity to obtain individual consciousness and rejects communal or group identity consciousness. But in this abstraction of what the state’s role should be or which entity/entities it’s subservient to delegates an ironic contradiction; fascism is when the state serves the state.
In an abstract sense, connecting the term to its etymological root, we can debate that the state, which means the condition of a country - administered by that political position, doesn’t necessarily mean it is a group or an individual. But with certainty, it means a body representative of the conditions of the geopolitical land around you. So, naturally, it will obtain a local representative to push its interests.
Now you ask and may have already answered: what or who is the state? The state is the condition that predates the system of fascism; the falling rates of profit, existential politics, a rising consciousness of proletarians, shorter intervals of economic crises, etc. It’s essentially the final attempt of the elite to maintain their grip on power.
In practice, fascism’s rise to material reality feeds upon the ideals of liberalism in an adverse reaction: fascism is comfortable hiding behind liberalism, masking itself as an ideal that, in theory, balances the power struggles of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. It will be a democracy, wear identity politics, advocates for pacifism, and protect the right to transact (access) as long as you have the correct amount of tokens (capital).
In other words, while the decisive battles were in progress, the bourgeoisie needed a fighting organization, needed fascism; but now that the proletariat is defeated, the bourgeoisie no longer needs fascism and can afford to use “democracy” instead, as a better method of consolidating its victory. Hence, the conclusion is drawn that, the rule of the bourgeoisie has become consolidated, that the “era of pacifism” will be a prolonged one, and that the revolution in Europe has been pigeonholed.
— J.V. Stalin
In America ‘paranoia’ is the correct understanding that it is always impossible to tell whether or not you are a “law abiding citizen”— but the certainty that you “probably are not[.]
This ‘paranoia’ is only assuaged by ‘having legal protection’ ie— having capital to afford yourself of legal protection.
The only comfort in America is capital— the only freedom in America is capital— if you have capital, America is your Paradise— if you do not have capital, America is Hell[.]
Fascism results from late-stage capitalism, necessitating a material concentration of imperialism in crisis mode, imperialists’ ambitions are intensified, and any deviant cultural rhetoric is an opportunity to rally easy political points. In layman’s terms, demagogues taking reactionary stances against forms of social progressivism is a characteristic, a political ploy, not a definition of fascism. Antisemitism was a subset attained under the Third Reich, mainly attributed to Nazism. Nazism isn’t antisemitism. Nevertheless, Nazism adopted antisemitism. Remember for the latter half of this piece the dialectics of form and content.
(Note: The Anglo-Saxon Church of England targeted Muslims and characterized them as barbaric, despite Christians, Muslims, and Jews living together in peace under the Islamic Ottoman Empire, Safavid Persia, and Mughal India. Policy ensured communal land ownership, banned interest rates, received a college education and starting a family, and the government rewarded tax rebates. Western Modernity signified the collapse of Islamocommunist societies (Pact of Umar and later the Ottoman Millet System). The West was captivated by the feudal-to-capitalist modes of production, which required scapegoats to divide the West versus the East abstractly in a racist manner but in its proper form of civilizational racism, just as in the same way Hitler demonized Slavs as the Eastern Orc Hordes.)
As the meaning of all words, fascism isn’t strictly defined by some idealized definition of the word but by the realities with which it interacted in. I’ll reiterate: Fascism can be only strictly defined through its material precedents, not some abstract construct of what people think or feel is fascism. That being said, fascism is liberalism. It is the historical phenomenon in which it finds itself at its most potent contradiction1 — it has to suppress the revolutionary spirit of the people most affected by the inherent contradictions of capitalism.
Fascism is the psychosis of liberalism.
— Haz and the Infrared Collective
Here’s a clear-cut example: Trump isn’t a Fascist. At worst, he is a Right-wing populist/nationalist. The current conditions have not required Trump or the elite to successfully push Trump to implement an open militaristic dictatorship with the backing of financial capital to respond to the crises of capitalism.2 All serious Marxist-Leninists should know this: Right-wing populism/nationalism has the potential to become Fascist, but the oligarchic financial class did not support Trump to guarantee him a full-fledged backing during January 6th, nor did they allude to it throughout his time in office. The current revolution has not materialized to the extremely heightened contradictions that finance capitalists feel it is necessary to do so; they don’t see an immediate threat.
Liberals have opportunistically abused that term to the point where fascism is anything related to MAGA or religion, a strong sense of nationalism, and even patriotism.
Fascism carries many characteristics, and more so often than not, fascism can and has historically used white supremacy. But as we explained before, the mere essence of fascism is finance capital in decay. So they expand their operations beyond their borders in the form of aggressive colonial expansion to counter the falling rate of profits.3
(Note: Finance capital is capital controlled by the banking class and is employed by the industrialists. Referenced in Lenin’s Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, the banking class is echelons way above the Elon Musks and Bill Gates; they are the forces that instrumentally own the institutions that hold you; i.e., the ownership class of commodities in money form.)
Fascism uses class collaborationism between the capitalist and worker to support a nationalism (although not always) and with some social democratic characteristics to protect the owner class of financial capital from a revolution from within.4
To continue to define fascism is to go through its various forms found in Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, and Imperial Japan. (We will explore Imperial Japan in part two) Plenty of its characteristics is present in America, hidden within “Left-wing” content. Still, we have not entered the stage of a militaristic dictatorship, nor are we immediately near the conditions of the three historical regimes.
Mussolini’s Rise and Fascist Italy
Before WW1 began, Mussolini was one of Italy’s most influential journalists and prolific advocates for socialism. He was an avid reader of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels and persisted that “Marx was the greatest of all theorists of socialism.” Mr. Smith continued in his biography that he believed Marx “rescued socialism from the Christian philanthropists and made it scientific.”
However, shortly after Italy refused to join the war, a shift developed within Mussolini: there had to be constant motion, a struggle between two forces, and Italy decided to be inactive during WW1. Mussolini rejected this orthodoxy of the Italian Socialist Party’s (PSI) decree of pacifism. He witnessed a world war of Central Powers’ reactionary proliferation in imperialism, and Italy, on the cusp, decided to do nothing.
Mussolini underwent a harsh political development of not only rejecting Marxism but all tenets of egalitarianism. He adopted Nietzsche’s view of the state to enact complete totalitarian centralization of power. He facilitated a stance of anti-Wu Wei, in which the state that serves the state must actively enforce its policies.
As the Italian bourgeoisie concentrated its influence over the state, bureaucratizing the apparatus with bourgeois propagandists, Mussolini guaranteed the depression and impotence of the working class ever to develop a concrete political, material, and even revolutionary opposition.
The outbreak of the Great War radicalized him, making him declare Marxism a dead ideology. A genuine-organic outcry developed among critics of the Italian state, with Mussolini appealing to the proletariat flareups with a vision to revive Italy to the great superpower it once was under the Roman Empire.
When the war ended in 1919 - Socialism, as a doctrine, was already dead; it continued to exist only as a grudge, especially in Italy where its only chance lay in inciting to reprisals against the men who had willed the war and who were to be made to pay for it . . .
The Fascist doctrine is that best suited to the tendencies and feelings of a people which, like the Italian, after lying fallow during centuries of foreign servitude, are now reasserting itself in the world.
— Benito Mussolini
Europe was a hotspot for revolution. From 1919 to 1921, the Great War elicited the highest contention of intensity between the Bourgeois and the proletariat. The Italian state, administered by a coalition of socialists, populist leftists, and liberals, ensured the train railway, health insurance, and the telecommunication sectors were receiving their funds since previous governments nationalized them as early as the 1860s.5
Italian workers formed their worker co-ops, sharing the fruit of their labor in hefty sum wages, landlords with large plots were replaced by cooperative farming, ensuring food prices were affordable, and overall the working class received better wages and worked in safer working conditions. The peaceful revolution seemed it was about to materialize.
Although the proletariat enjoyed a period of ‘grace,’ the Fascist counterattacks were mobilizing - spearheaded by Benito Mussolini and his 200,000 Blackshirt army targeting the socialists. And then, in October 1922 came the March on Rome, with Mussolini crowning himself Prime Minister of Italy within a few days.
Before the end of the year, his cabinet convened and passed laws to reduce spending on the nationalized sectors, diminished the role of the socialist government, and followed with massive privatizations of every single industry you can think of: the post office, railroads, telephone companies, state life insurance companies. The premiums increased, and the poorest Italians had all coverage removed.
Mussolini eliminated rent control laws. Prices skyrocketed, entire families became homeless, and landlords hoarded all the profit.
The countryside, rural areas faced a lack of government intervention because Mussolini removed services to the farmers, peasants, and other rural workers. The proletariat were at the mercy of the capitalists.
Mussolini became utterly enthralled in imperialist expansion; the elite was desperate to increase short-term capital accumulation for imperialism beyond Italian borders.
In giving an outline of Fascist domestic policy, you can understand what happened under such conditions; it is a mere representation of fascism in Italy. However, not one individual instituted fascism. That would give Mussolini and the Blackshirts too much credit. Fascism was a conspiration of the entire Italian elite, its on-the-ground partners, and support from European allies to blockade any revolutionary ground on the southern peninsula of Europe. It was the natural response to the inflamed conditions of Italy, potentially becoming the war front of a new communist regime right below Europe’s nose. The conditions required the fighting forces of the bourgeois to counter the fighting forces of the proletariat, and unfortunately, the Italians were too politically infantile to mobilize quickly enough.
The fascism of Italy was not similar in appearance to the fascism in Germany. Within 1000 miles north, a German rising star was on the precipice, inspired by Mussolini’s works and his Fascist takeover.
Dritte Reich: Pan European Supremacy
The Great War ended. The Treaty of Versailles was catastrophically humiliating to the German people. In the Weimar Republic, its existential conditions placed the population at its most crucial stage of proletarian consciousness. The Allied powers singlehandedly pressured the German economy into a crisis mode:
The German mark was trading at 4.2 German marks to the American dollar in 1914. In 1923, it soared to 4.2 trillion marks to the dollar.
In 1932, 6 million Germans were unemployed, its peak of one-third of the German workforce.
Germany had to repay war reparations of $33 billion while they were trying to relapse from depression.
Shortly after the war, in November 1918, a development took place among Germany’s soldiers; they disobeyed their officers and created Sailor’s and Soldiers’ Councils similar to the Workers’ Council. They disbanded ruling military dynasties and gained the wholehearted support of the German working class.
Germany was the pinnacle spot for revolution. The short-lived Bavarian-Soviet Republic and the Saxon-Soviet Republic formed - suffice to say, Germany was in disarray, but in the sense that there was something authentic starting to move past the monarchy and immediately into a communist future.
Weimar Republic: 1928 to 1933
The SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany) was quite comfortable with its conditions being Germany's most popular political party. Towards the end of 1928, a coalition of middle classes became begrudgingly, ultimately satisfied with the governance of the SPD.
The Great Coalition between the Centre Party, SPD, and the People’s Party was an odd orgy of financial capitalists, the industrialists, the German middle class, and the satisfied upper proletariat that were not caught in the 30% unemployment trap, and the unemployed that hoped the SPD would answer to them. Their job was to satisfy conditions but prevent an actual communist front from developing from the KPD (Communist Party of Germany). Very few within the SPD wanted a socialist revolution.
Because the Great Coalition failed to address the exceedingly expensive WW1 reparations question, their influence began to crumble compared to the NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers Party) refusal to pay so.
Minister of Foreign Affairs Gustav Stresemann’s death proved a catastrophe for the Reich. He was the ultimate centrist position that the middle and working classes agreed upon on foreign policy, but what truly broke the Coalition’s legitimacy was the mysterious death of Paul Levi, the leader of SPD’s Left-wing.
In recent years Levi had increasingly grown in stature as a proletarian statesman. He pursued a policy that was as realist as it was resolute. He called upon the socialist working-classes to resume class warfare if they wished not only to preserve their own existence, but also the democratic republic. Levi was also fully alive to the fact that this aim was only to be attained by means of a socialist mass movement, and not by the foundation of new sects within the socialist faith. In future crises Levi would have been followed by the majority of the proletariat just as Stresemann would have been followed by the moderate elements in the middle classes.
Although SPD tried again to satisfy the economic and fiscal German question with the Marxist Minister of Finance Hilferding, the capitalist class would not allow such blasphemy to proliferate.
Although Hilferding’s proposals for the reconstruction of the Reich finances were thoroughly sound, the great capitalists were resolved not to tolerate any socialist – and especially a theoretical Marxist – as Finance Minister in a time of crisis.
The SPD failed to keep a foothold in maintaining its control; they bargained to sacrifice Hilferding’s position in hopes they could gain one last drop of elixir to stay in power - but guaranteed political death was imminent. The People’s Party appointed a trustworthy Finance Minister that aligned itself with the capitalists’ interests. And sooner rather than later, the Great Coalition dissolved over an old unemployment insurance dispute.
On the other hand, the KPD refused to adapt to its new conditions to appeal to and break away voters from the other parties, nor would they change their messaging to a politically sound vision for the future. They were politically stuck, despite the contradictions of German politics exponentially imploding.
For the hungry masses on the left desired a revolution, and the capitalists on the right wanted a counter-revolution. The whole nation was indeed in the grip of one or other of these movements.
The Federal SPD bureaucracy left the government. Mass general strikes were on the precipice any day now. The trade unions were politically leaderless, but their power and organizational skills were useless unless a revolutionary leader stepped up. This all-knowing fact scared the absolute shit out of the German elites.
(Note: For Germany, the future seemed bright. However, similarly to Italy’s intensified contradictions, the bourgeoisie could not allow a full-on proletariat front to materialize. In 1928, the NSDAP won less than 3% of the popular vote. In 1932, they won 37% of the popular vote.)
However,
[a]t the time of the founding of the National Socialist Party in 1920, the usual Racist students and Free Corps men were joined by a number of convinced National ‘Socialists’. These latter were men who sincerely desired the introduction of socialism, but who saw in the SPD the ally of a ‘liberal’ capitalism and in the KPD the agent of the Russian Bolshevists.
Soon after the great breakup of the Great Coalition, the finance capitalists were utterly convinced that a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie was necessary to prevent further socialization of Germany’s economy. The NSDAP immediately pushed a massive propaganda machine. The German elite and the European bourgeoisie saw that the Nazis could entirely resolve their grievances by preventing a proletariat takeover over the government through the Nazi party. The Nazis promised the German working class the solutions of bastardized socialism but unknowingly, at their own expense.
Left-wing Nazis, radical Left-wing communists, Christians who sympathized with the materialization of some form of Christan philanthropy (despite being super unpopular among the religious), students, and eventually the middle class that was disgruntled with the party gridlock joined in droves to seek a form of tainted socialism that they would hope would fix their problems.
(Note: The figure above shows that the German Catholic and Protestant churches rejected Nazism.)
Nazism was not a grassroots populist movement. Most Germans were religious, as religion is one of society's most primitive formats for social gatherings. American oligarchs like Ford, the British royal family, including Prince Philip, and German bankers supported and funded the largest psyop in the modern world. They imposed a niche ideology upon the German people by the brute force of a constant bombardment of propaganda.6
The Great Depression that began in 1929 severely struck the German economy and pushed German politics to a standstill, with unemployment increasing to 30% of the workforce and the Nazi members multiplying in size.
Hitler gained 4 million new voters from an electorate fired up by his speeches. Mostly came from the Right-wing sympathizers of the other Right-wing capitalist parties. At the same time, the communists gained 1.25 million voters from increasing unemployment; they didn’t lose voters to the Right but were stagnant and unable to compete.
By 1930, the combination of the SPD, KPD, and other Left-wing liberal capitalist parties outnumbered the Nazi vote 4-1. The so-called “Marxists” infighting created destructive outlooks for all sides of the interparty and intraparty conflicts. Hitler and the Nazi party gained 150 supporters in the Reichstag compared to 220 Marxist sympathizers. The capitalists were confident - that as long as the German electorate that consisted of 3/4 working-class members was too busy infighting, it was a matter of when not if the consolidation of fascism would prevail under Hitler.
The SPD regarded the Conservative government as the lesser evil, and therefore gave its support to Brüning in his struggle with the Hitler – Hugenberg block and the KPD.
By 1932, the SPD considered the KPD an equal evil to the Nazis.
By 1932, the Nazi vote was just short of the Reichstag majority. Hitler campaigned again but lost to Paul Von Hindenburg, a candidate who gained the overall SPD vote as the “only one who could defeat Hitler!” Behind the scenes, Hindenburg made a series of backroom deals that granted Hitler Chancellory only because his closest associates promised they could control Hitler’s rabid-dog aggression. January 30th, 1933, the Nazis were in control of the Chancellory.
February 22nd, Hitler enrolled 50,000 Nazi stormtroopers. Herman Göring, Minister of the Interior, raided the Communist Party of Germany’s headquarters and planted false evidence suggesting the communists planned to burn down government buildings.
The Reichstag Fire
February 27th, the Nazis sound the alarm; the communist conspiracists have attacked the Reichstag! We must immediately respond to the Bolshevik threat! Of course, the evidence the Nazis presented has been debunked.
A few hours later, on February 28, Hindenburg invoked Article 48 and the cabinet drew up the “Decree of the Reich President for the Protection of the People and State.” The act abolished freedom of speech, assembly, privacy and the press; legalized phone tapping and interception of correspondence; and suspended the autonomy of federated states, like Bavaria. That night around 4,000 people were arrested, imprisoned and tortured by the SA [Nazi Stormtroopers]. Although the Communist party had won 17 percent of the Reichstag elections in November 1932, and the German people elected 81 Communist deputies in the March 5 elections, many were detained indefinitely after the fire.
Three weeks later, the Reichstag, with the newly populated Nazi party members that filled in the displaced Communist Party seats, passed the Enabling Act, which assigned all legislative power to Hitler to pass new laws and decrees without the consent of the Reichstag. The SPD was banned within three months. There was to be no more gridlock or opposition to the majority of the new parliament. After Hindenburg died in ‘34, Hitler passed a new law to combine Presidential and Chancellor powers.
You can imagine the economic policies and foreign policies that targeted the German working class and Europe were as discriminatory as Italy’s, but no; it was Mussolini’s domestic policy on steroids - imperialism on meth. Shortly before the Reichstag Fire, Hitler conducted a meeting with the most influential members of the German elite.
There were representatives from IG Farben, AG Siemens, BMW, coal mining magnates, Theissen Corp, AG Krupp, as well as a locust of Bankers, investors, and other Germans belonging to the top 1%. During this meeting, Hitler said, "Private enterprise cannot be maintained in the age of democracy."
— Esha
Capitalism could no longer hold itself together. On behalf of the financiers, Hitler acted as fast as he could to appease them to ensure their control wouldn’t whither, nor would his dream to be a visionary be forgotten.
Part two will explore Nazi Germany’s rhetoric toward the working class, the for-profit Holocaust Industry, and the Great Patriotic War of Russia against Nazi Germany.
Evolution of Fascism in the 21st Century and the Introduction to Dialectics
We understand that the current elite is the most ethnically and sexually diverse and has the capital and the status granted to protect themselves from laws that prohibit deviant social behavior. I can’t stress this enough: The content of the matter is not identical to the form; however, as the material conditions change, fascism adjusts itself, disguised as liberalism, to consolidate power.
When fascism comes to America, it will be called anti-fascism.
— Huey Long
Historically, fascism has taken on preconditioned forms and reactionary content to appeal to the ruling class's conservative sect. Today, fascism has shifted left to appeal to woke ideologists, now the liberal faction of the ruling class. The striking similarity between Wokes and Nazis is that exclusion comes at the cost of heightened inclusiveness! Whether that goal is hyper-inclusivity of Pan European Supremacy (Aryans) or the esoteric identity distinctions (intersectionality) of liberalism, the end goal is not to suppress these baseless indoctrinations but to enhance their niche ideologies and enforce strict segregation between them and the dissenters.
All who don’t conform to the mainstream of liberalism, primarily wokism, an aggressive-deadly olive branch characteristic of liberalism, are considered unworthy, backward, hateful, shameful, and, saying the quiet part out loud; subhuman. Woke liberalism and woke imperialism actively and inactively through social media, peer pressure, and unwritten rules of behavior - cancel and suppress all non-conformist thoughts opposed to its social scheme; actual policies the Nazi Party enforced!
Something alarming about woke liberals/moral Calvinists telling you with a problematic tone and discerning facial expression, “Oh no, you can’t say that; that’s incorrect; that’s revisionist; that’s impolite; that’s bigotry!” And then you are scolded to adopt the mainstream view, and the conversation ends with the other person smiling, happy that your opinions are no longer heretical. That’s because that’s precisely how Nazi Germany's society operated!
Suppose we get into the meat and potatoes of what liberal identity politics is. In that case, it is a vehicle of Anglo-Saxon chauvinism and a tool for white supremacy to disguise itself in opportunistic terms.7 Any attempt to appeal or opportune oneself as holier than thou is the precise definition of everything liberal reactionary thought espouses - Supremacy of the white-colonial masters, the Anglo-Saxon race, the British Royal Family, and the Nazis! Wokism is an ultra-Left deviation in appearance that is Right-wing in its form.
All science would be superfluous if outward appearances and the essence of things directly coincided.
— Karl Marx
But how can this be(!), you ask. Can fascism be Left-wing?
In Western politics: the Right is the Left, and the Left is the Right. And no, the idea from the previous statement does not stem from horseshoe theory because the structure of the ideal implies that communism is the equivalent form of fascism. Sophists (narcissistic bastards who will manipulate arguments to prove a nonsensical point) love to equivocate both ideologies under the same banner falsely; they’re both evils and suppress all freedoms we take for granted under liberalism. This is not the case!
When I say the Left is the Right and the Right is the Left, I mean from a Marxist-Leninist perspective that both Western conservative and Western liberal configurations are elitist dogmas that violently weaponize obscure beliefs to ensure the god of Capital has total control over your lives. There is no Western Left-Right dichotomy. They don’t exist! Because at the end of the day, the divisions are apparent in whether you support the worship of capital or you don’t.
It should not be forgotten that Rights and "ultra-Lefts" are actually twins, that consequently both take an opportunist stand, the difference between them being that whereas the Rights do not always conceal their opportunism, the Lefts invariably camouflage their opportunism with "revolutionary" phrases.
— J.V. Stalin
Capital remains to reign supreme. You bicker over things that are not immediate to your lives, lest you forget that the only freedom you have is to choose with no substantive control over your destiny as the capitalists predetermine your choices!
(Note: “Communism IS the ultimate centrism! All elements of society are united under the dictatorship of the working class. It goes beyond petty ideology [like liberalism and conservatism and capitalist] religion; it is society as society is; it is the essence of humanity in the total sense of humanity, to be free and determine its destiny!”)
So when I criticize liberals, I don’t mean the blue-haired 35-year-old Bidenist mother of two children, one adopted from China; I mean liberals as the mainstream-overarching philosophy that is instilled within ANYONE who devoutly devotes their political activism to hegemonic unipolarity; to their nasty projections of nations fighting against imperialism being ‘totalitarian’ or ‘Fascist’; back home to the rabid dog-like characteristic of hyper-enforced, inorganic social indoctrination of Nazism in its liberal form.
Liberal is just a term I use to describe the average Westerner, whether they are on the ultra-Left or the far-Right of the Western liberal political spectrum - and this is what most refuse to understand: To be ignorant is one thing, but to be arrogant is significantly more dangerous than to engage in this synthesis of dialectics.
Liberalism supports the 500 years dynasty of capitalism, even at its most recent, highest form — imperialism. The ideology normalizes and justifies capitalism's inherent contradictions, which IS the primary contradiction we Americans must struggle with. In the same way, worldwide Communists had to unite against Nazism; we must stand firm as anti-liberals; in our fight against liberalism completely. Every other contradiction is secondary.
This combination of a [liberal] social agenda and explicit imperialist aggression - it’s only precedent is really fascism. Nazism and fascism were responding to this issue: How do we reconcile with the material needs of the working class? We dupe the population into thinking they’re going to get the spoils of our imperialist adventures.
— Haz and the Infrared Collective
As for what the pacifists and democrats want, as for the policy of the imperialists, they have only one aim in resorting to pacifism: to dupe the masses with high-sounding phrases about peace in order to prepare for a new war; to dazzle the masses with the brilliance of “democracy” in order to consolidate the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie . . .
— J.V. Stalin
The Squad’s 21st-century foreign policy is precisely the same as Mussolini’s and Hitler’s foreign policy: We promise welfare to the working class in exchange for imperialist adventures. With the unification of the progressive neoconservatives and the bloodthirsty old-guard imperialists, it has a pious mantra: Your living standard will improve as we prepare for nuclear war against a nation that doesn’t want war but mistreats gay people per our liberal standards.
To not just be militarily and defense-based, but ALSO be climate defense-based. What that means in layman’s terms is that anyone who does not subscribe to being as bold as the Squad and America when it comes to climate change and their austerity plan of degrowth and their Malthusianist Green New Deal will face harsh consequences.
A staunch anti-imperialist American and a great observer of American civilization once said:
History doesn't repeat itself, but it does rhyme.
— Mark Twain
(Note: We will investigate the Squads’ foreign policy in part two of this series.)
So as I’ve stated at the beginning of this piece, fascism is liberalism in its psychotic final; liberals become Fascists who lose all senses of reality. As we escalate this concept, we have to briefly explain how to battle against liberalism.
Stalin’s “The Fight Against Right and ‘Ultra-Left’ Deviations”
Stalin analyzed the conditions of the communists’ struggle in Germany and France post-WW1. He noticed that the Germans had the immediate battle with ultra-Left wing deviations, unwilling to adjust to the new conditions of the times, hindering the party from finding a concise message to the proletarian masses.
He observed the conditions of the French where the Right placed themselves conditions in which they were facing financial difficulties and unable to update the legal system. The communists in France faced the dilemma in which the Right was unwilling to adjust to the new conditions and hindered “maximum Bolshevisation of the Party” under the French legal system. So to say, it wasn't easy to form a political front for the proletariat under the current system.
It isn’t to say that Stalin advocates fighting both Right and ultra-Left sects with equal intensity, but that the conditions of each country’s national struggle to develop a conscious proletariat differ in each situation.
The point is that we are faced not with the abstract question of combating Rights and "ultra-Lefts" in general, but with the concrete question of the immediate tasks of the German Party at the present moment. And the immediate task of the German Communist Party is to overcome the "ultra-Left" danger, just as the immediate task of the French Communist Party is to overcome the Right danger.
— J.V. Stalin
The question is, what are our immediate tasks in the American Communist struggle? Who is the primary contradiction to our success - well, anyone who revises the movement, who opportunistically condemns Russia’s defensive operation against Western imperialism and the ultra-Leftist administration of the CPUSA (Communist Party of the USA). I say this because they support the Democratic Party and their “anti-Fascist” psyop war against MAGA.
The immediate threat to the Communist movement is not the redneck, socially backward, evangelical Right-wing ‘reactionary’; just as the revolutionary spirit was high in post-WW1 Germany as it is today in America, the immediate threat is the ultra-Left deterrents that prevent us from achieving a viable 3rd party emancipator from the duopoly-monopoly for the American working-class under the process of Democratic Centralism.
‘Reactionary’ has been reduced to mean not accepting the constantly updating terms and conditions of the cult of progress. Stand in the way of the linear march of time? Reactionary! This opportunistic abuse of the term is genuinely reactionary; it is fundamentally liberal.
As Communists with capital “C,” we must reject petty-bourgeois liberalism (wokism).
My point is that this petty-bourgeois counter-culture breeds cultural elitism against working class communities. It's now part of cultural hegemony especially among middle class professionals.
Much of the left makes this petty-bourgeois counter-culture such an essential core of their identity such that present-day Western leftism has become basically distinct from Marxism. It's values and morals predispose them against dictatorship of the proletariat in America.
Why? Because working class communities don't perfectly conform to their petty-bourgeois counter-cultural morality which is nothing more than western purity fetishism rooted in idealism. This isn't shocking coming from middle class professionals.
Middle class professionals are a type of worker insofar as they sell their labor power (usually mental labor power) in the market, but they lack a tangible production relation to commodity production. They don't engage in commodity production directly or indirectly.
They don't even realize the surplus value added in a commodity into profit like salespeople, cashiers, retail workers, dealers, and so on. Their labor doesn't consist of handle commodities. Their labor is more often than not mental & cultural.
— @LeninBol
To battle against wokism, the ultra-Left, a product of liberalism used as a justification for imperialism abroad, is the contradiction we find ourselves at odds with. The ultra-Left middle-class professionals that have entirely lost touch with reality (psychosis) with America's materially existing working-class is the primary contradiction against building an America that works for all American working families.
Sneak Peek Into Part Two
Part two of this series will explore how wokism, a tenet of a liberal form of social and cultural fascistic characteristics, is used as a justification by the progressive neoconservatives to strike “socially backward” nations with sanctions - and other imperialist tools. The language of exploitation has changed in exchange for moral values forcibly exported abroad, but the form of imperialism has not. The weapon of wokism is to justify and destroy the social cohesion of nations that don’t subscribe to liberalism.